Mumbai civic elections: Confusing coalitions, absent accountability concern voters as BMC goes to polls

Over 3 crore voters are expected to cast their ballots on Thursday (January 15, 2026) as 29 civic bodies across Maharashtra go to polls. With most municipal corporations’ term expiring between 2019-2022, these civic bodies have been run by administrators since then. 

In Mumbai, the tussle for the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) is a fight between three unusual coalitions — the Thackeray cousins (Raj and Uddhav) with Sharad Pawar’s NCP, BJP-Shiv Sena and Congress-Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA). Among many firsts, voters will see two Shiv Senas and two NCPs in the fray along with Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), BJP, Congress and smaller parties like AAP, SP, VBA, RPI(A). 

Confusing coalitions

“Who is election meant for? Voters or the political parties,” asks Mridul Nile, Associate Professor in Political Science, Mumbai University, adding, “Every party has its client base. But with such kind of alliances, the voter won’t be able to very clearly and categorically go according to his own political choices”. 

Warning that voters become apathetic in face of such unusual alliances, Dr. Nile says, “This is why Congress opted out of allying with Shiv Sena (UBT) as MNS joined in. On the one hand, Uddhav Thackrey, in a way is appeasing Muslims and Raj Thackeray is against them. In such kind of situations, you find BJP gets a clear-cut advantage as they are not compromising with ideology.” When asked about the Congress switching coalitions in Pune, he says, ”The party will try to maximize their own position and are trying to get into such kind of alliances in some places. But largely, it does not emerge like that.” 

Voters too have voiced their confusion over the alliances. Shubhayan Bhattacharya, a Mira road resident and a first-time civic voter says, “If there are so many different, multi-cornered race, then it becomes difficult to make up your mind because then you don’t know which way they will swing after you elect them. Moreover, the candidates fielded by these parties are not known faces. What are their qualifications? In a local election I would like to vote for a candidate. But when he/she is not a known figure, you may have to go party-wise”. 

Similarly, Pradeep Surekha, a BJP supporter and Mumbai-based builder, terms the Thackeray alliance as ‘unacceptable’, saying, “Shiv Sena and BJP are in coalition, that is acceptable. But in some places, they are fighting against each other. We voters are confused. In the Thackeray-MNS alliance, Uddhav favours the Muslims while Raj Thackeray is against North Indians. Ajit Pawar is with them (BJP-Sena) at Centre and State, but is fighting them here, in Pune etc. They (parties) are trying to sell this just to gain power. There are no morals or ethics.” 

However, clear choices appear among Sena’s core Marathi voters. Charushila Golam, a Mumbai-based Marathi writer says, “(Eknath) Shinde has been very operative in Mumbai. Be it Atal Setu or Samruddhi Expressway, he seems to have Mumbai’s interests at heart. It is because he has risen the ranks of the original Shiv Sena as a common man. When the others (Sena UBT) were in power, some things they executed were not upto expectations. While, he (Uddhav Thackeray) has done well in some areas, he lacks leadership within the party. Both Senas’ corporators will win because of their workmanship, not because of the party”. 

Even in Chembur’s Lokhandemarg area, which has a strong Marathi vote base, Sena voters are clear. Sunanda, a househelp says, “We have always voted for Balasaheb Thackeray and will continue to support Uddhav.” While she credits former Congress MP Chandrakant Handore for being responsible for solving water issues in the area, she affirms, “Thackeray has always stood for us.” 

Ajinkya Gaikwad, Assistant Professor of Politics, SIES College of Arts, Science and Commerce, states that in local elections it is the candidate which matters and not the alliances which the party enters into. “In places were quotas (women, SC/ST) are in play, Shiv Sena (UBT) did not consider before distributing tickets. These people have now switched to BJP. A voter from a lower middle class background, would be very certain about the person whom they are voting for. And I think, voter turnout should be higher this time considering that there has been a long hiatus, despite the confusion and the clutter in the political scenario.” 

BMC has remained with the Shiv Sena since 1985 (barring 1992-1996). However, BJP has been steadily making inroads into the Sena turf as the city’s demography changed. In 2017, BJP won 82 seats while the undivided Shiv Sena won 84 as the two contested alone. With the fall of the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance in 2019 and the split of Sena in 2022, Mr. Shinde has challenged Mr. Uddhav Thackeray’s claim as the ‘true’ Sena twice. In the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, Mr. Shinde outperformed Mr. Uddhav Thackeray in terms of seat-share but in most of the seats in Mumbai where the two Senas clashed, Mr. Uddhav Thackeray won. 

Wooing its supporters, BJP and Shiv Sena have stuck to Hindutva and ousting ‘Bangladeshi infiltrators’ as their main poll plank, assuring Mumbai will have a ‘Marathi Hindu mayor’, promising fast-tracked progress of the city’s Metro network, better housing for chawls/slum dwellers. On the other hand, the Thackerays are campaigning on a unified ‘Marathi Manoos’ plank and have promised free power up to 100 units, 1 lakh affordable homes, property tax waiver on homes up to 700 sq. ft, monthly cash transfer of ₹1,500 to house helps and Koli women, subsidised meals at ₹10 and financial aid for self-employment. They have also promised hospitals, ambulances, pet parks and education reforms.

Marathi Manoos factor

“In the areas where the Marathi chawls are present, the Shiv Sena-MNS will have the upper hand,” says Dr. Nile, when asked how much sway does the ‘Marathi manoos’ plank hold. He adds, “Right from the beginning, they have been criticizing Shinde Sena alleging that he (Shinde) has not been loyal to the Marathi Manoos. The fact that Shinde Sena is with the BJP also gives him (Shinde) a little bit of North Indian touch. Obviously, Shinde Sena will not get the votes of both North Indians as well as the Maharashtrians”. 

However, he says there is a deep discontent among young Sena karyakatas (workers) aged 35-50, who built the party from the grassroots under Balasaheb Thackeray. “These Sena (UBT) karyakartas are going either to BJP or Shinde Sena because of these unusual alliances, party strategy and ticket distribution. I think its is time for Shiv Sena (UBT) to reflect upon why and how they want to take this particular election ahead. 

“Marathi Vs non-Marathi issue will play up only in areas where at least 60-70% of the ward’s population is Marathi,” says Dr. Gaikwad, giving examples of Lalbaug and Parel. However, in areas with mixed population, like Kurla, Andheri or even Chembur, such politics may be ineffective, he says, adding, “As this is a matter of survival for Shiv Sena (UBT) and MNS, they are bound to woo the Marathi vote. What the Shiv Sena (UBT) is banking upon is to consolidate the Marathi vote base, which is largely split among four parties. Ego issues are in the back burner as the larger non-Marathi voter has already gone to the BJP and or is soliciting with the Congress.” 

Accountability, corruption and urban expansion

After three years under a local administrators, voters are enthused to choose their own representative. “In the past six-seven months, voter surveys have shown that while bureaucratically run municipalities are efficient, these officers don’t listen to citizens’ concerns. There is accountability that a local politician may have. Though, voter turnouts in Mumbai’s metropolitan area are generally not very great, but I believe we can sustain it and surpass it by a few percentage points this time,” opines Dr. Gaikwad. 

Rapid urbanisation with private players expanding across Mumbai’s real estate has builders and voters concerned alike. “During COVID-19 lockdown, construction had slowed down but in the past 2-3 years, massive projects have cropped up. These new projects are planned haphazardly and there is no clarity as to how the infrastructure needs for these will be met. More buildings require more water supply. We already face daily water cuts and have no idea where the sewage and drainage system for the buildings will fit,” says Mr. Bhattacharya, the Mira road resident. 

With the absence of a corporator, he says there was no way to contest these projects as residents were not taken into confidence. “If we walk into the MBMC office, the bureaucrats say go and talk to Thane office as it falls under them. In Thane, they say the orders came from above. There is no accountability,” he adds. His opinions are echoed by Ms. Golam too. “Mumbai’s population has increased exponentially and it needs better planning, not just expansion. Who has given sanction for all these new buildings? You need to plan for a better education healthcare facilities and day-to-day services like drains, water, electricity. If one person (corporator) cannot be made available for us, they have to create managers down the line who does regular check-ups.“ 

On the builders side, real estate expansion has come with rampant corruption. As an industrialist seeking plot in Mumbai’s MIDC area, Mr. Surekha says, “Corruption was always prevalent in every (civic) organisation. Earlier prices were at ₹20-30 lakhs and now they demand in crores. How will industries come up? The BMC’s budget is bigger than smaller states like Goa or equal to Jharkhand. Any builder has miscellaneous expenses apart from construction itself and is expected to shell out crores due to corruption.” He also lists illegal hawking and noise pollution as smaller issues, which he thinks his choice of corporator should tackle.

Air quality not a concern yet

One issue, which sadly remained absent from voters’ minds, was air quality. Mumbai, which has featured in top 10 to 15 most polluted cities in the world, has an average Air Quality Index (AQI) of 152. 

Lack of concrete plans to tackle air pollution is evident from the parties manifestos itself. “They talk about controlling AQI, but want to slash property taxes by 50% and dole out monthly transfers to women. If everything is a freebie, how will the municipality function,” asks Dr. Nile.

Ms. Sumanda, the househelp, laments: “The Ladki Bahin scheme, which sends ₹1,500 per month to women aged 21-65 years, too has lost its appeal among voters. They are sending money, but they are also hiking prices of groceries.” 

Dr. Gaikwad says, “Among voters, there is a sentiment that we are better than other cities. Voters say we are at 150 while so-and-so city is 500 or 600. They have relative comparisons to make themselves feel better and that is the larger problem.” Political will too seems inconsistent on this issue. “Despite a prominent politician like Aaditya Thackeray talking about it, how many local candidates are really aware of these issues and are in line with their central leadership of that party,” he asks. 

He concludes that environmental movements are led by a middle class audience, saying, “Nuanced understanding of environmental jurisprudence or laws and the larger effects of it, is felt by the middle class. They are the ones who will take up the issues, but more people on the lower middle class or lower backgrounds may not think of environment as dearly because they will have existential or survival issues”. 

Proving his point, Ms. Sunanda says all parties who campaigned in her chawl promise to install a dedicated tap water connection to her house.