Beyond reservation for women in legislative bodies

The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, or the women’s reservation Act, 2023, was originally tied to the upcoming Census and subsequent delimitation exercises. While the first phase of the Census, house-listing and housing Census, is to begin in April, no clear timeline has been provided for the delimitation exercise, with analysts noting that the implementation of the Act could extend as far as the Lok Sabha election in 2034.

Against this backdrop, the Centre is considering introducing an amendment Bill, either in the ongoing Budget Session or by calling a special session after the Assembly elections, to tie the delimitation exercise to Census 2011 so as to fast-track the reservation of one-third of seats for women in Parliament and Legislative Assemblies before the 2029 Lok Sabha election. This move demands a closer look at the background of women’s reservation in India, the gains and constraints of reservations, and what it means to look beyond reservation.

Women’s movement

The discourse on women’s reservation in electoral constituencies in India began during the 1920s and 1930s, when the confluence of colonisation, the emergent national liberation movement, and educational reforms produced “new women”, thus bringing forward the women’s movement in the early 20th century. While the encapsulation of “Justice-Political” in the Preamble to the Constitution essentialised the participation of citizens in government, and the fact that women constituted 48.04% of India’s total population at the time of Independence called for reservation in premise, it was not turned into conclusion. Women leaders such as Sarojini Naidu and Muthulakshmi Reddy, subsequent presidents of the All India Women’s Conference, repudiated the idea of women’s reservation, as they believed it would lead to a notion of women being seen as inferior.

In the 1970s, talk on women’s reservations began to resurface. The Committee on the Status of Women in India recommended the creation of a statutory women’s panchayat. Subsequently, the National Prospective Plan proposed 30% reservation for women in district panchayats. Finally, in 1993, Parliament enacted the 73rd Constitution Amendment, reserving 33% of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions. Exactly 30 years later, after multiple introductions and lapses, Parliament passed the 106th Constitution Amendment, or the women’s reservation Act.

Benefits from quota

Following reservations at the panchayat level, women leaders have actively participated in, and worked for, the uplift of weaker sections in Punjab. In Uttar Pradesh, women leaders have raised questions on gender equality (Gender and Politics, Amrita Basu). More recently, during the COVID-19 pandemic, women political leaders in rural Bihar emerged as first responders by catering to the urgent needs of their constituencies while “emphasizing the importance of this governance level in comprehensive emergency response”. In West Bengal, they have played a significant role in taking up initiatives to reduce the number of people below the poverty line (BPL) and reduce birth and death rates, while increasing the average age of marriage and literacy levels. The concomitant role of self-help groups (SHGs) in supplementing the achievements of these leaders, for instance, Kudumbashree in Kerala, has also been highlighted. Further, in Maharashtra, women’s interpersonal skills, such as increasing confidence, have improved as evidenced by women not only contesting from unreserved seats but also winning. It is widely acknowledged that women “Pradhans” tend more towards issues such as sanitation, electricity, housing, and education, helping ensure that their voices are heard.

Another positive reflection of increased representation has been an increase in the reporting of crimes by women in those constituencies. While increased reporting can be a result of increased crimes against women, as a consequence of societal unacceptance of women in leadership positions, it can also be a consequence of women leaders influencing various factors in the chain of reporting crimes, such as increased police responsiveness and a more fearless women electorate.

Proxy representation

One major lacuna that stains the representation of women in rural areas is the prevalence of tokenism or proxy representation. Tokenism, more commonly referred to as “Sarpanch-Pati” or “Pradhan-Pati” in Hindi, can be described as a symbolic or surface-level representation of marginal groups to give the appearance of equality. This means that women in reserved constituencies tend to be tokens of powerful upper-caste men, often serving the interests of the elite. One such instance took place in Nagaur district of Rajasthan, wherein a woman sarpanch was suspended “after her husband was found holding official meetings on her behalf”. An absence of awareness of roles and responsibilities among women leaders, coupled with high rates of illiteracy in rural areas, often underlies such practices. It also creates a culture of “public patriarchy”, wherein women are included in the political process but are not allowed to participate, and where their work is constantly undervalued. While women in reserved constituencies are more heterogeneous, as they belong to diverse backgrounds, local structures of inequality — gender, caste, and patriarchy — often dictate their performance.

As such, there have also been numerous cases of violence and harassment against elected women representatives, especially those belonging to marginalised communities. Such political violence takes various forms, ranging from sexual coercion and character assassination to verbal abuse, threats, and emotional blackmail. Instances such as that of Kiran Kumari, a Dalit woman who was reportedly “made to touch the feet of a village councillor during her campaigning”, highlight the entrenched nature of caste and gender hierarchies. A study conducted by the Centre for Social Research points out that the perpetrators of such violence are often Opposition candidates or men within the same political party, along with family members and local actors.

Another caveat embedded within the panchayat relates to the rotation of reserved constituencies and the mandatory rotation of posts of chairperson, which limits the possibility for women to contest elections again and makes it difficult for constituents to hold representatives accountable. In States such as Rajasthan, after one successful term, women are often denied a second ticket on the pretext that others should get an equal chance, an expectation rarely applied to men. Conversely, permanently reserved seats may also be counterproductive, as they risk enabling elite capture and limiting genuine electoral choice.

Raising it to 50%

The enactment and implementation of the women’s reservation Act form the bulk of the Indian government’s efforts to achieve political equality. However, even within this framework, there is a need to move towards 50% reservation in Parliament and Assemblies, reflective of women’s share in the population. Beyond reservation, the government must aim to eliminate all forms of violence against women candidates before, during, and after elections, including online abuse. Increasing women’s presence across election-related processes, from voter registration to presiding officers, can further create a more conducive and trustworthy environment for participation. There is also a need for continuous and participatory training programmes, particularly in rural areas, to familiarise women with their roles and responsibilities and to equip them with essential financial and digital skills.

Whether reservation converts into true representation remains to be seen, but that moment may not be far away.

Aanchal Singhal is an independent policy and governance researcher and a former Legislative Assistant to Member of Parliament (LAMP) Fellow, 2023-24. Views expressed are personal.

Published – March 27, 2026 12:14 am IST