Asking allies to contest on principal party’s symbol is wrong: P. Shanmugam

The upcoming Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu gain significance because, apart from the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance and the AIADMK-led National Democratic Alliance, actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam has entered the fray. He is gaining overwhelming support on the ground. In such a situation, what is your main plank when you go to face the electorate?

I don’t accept even an iota of what you are saying about Vijay having overwhelming support on the ground. I don’t assess the crowd as one that wants a political change or that a new leader should come to power. The crowd is coming because the actor they saw on screen is coming to the street for the first time. I don’t accept that the crowd will convert into votes. Even my assessment could be wrong. We can come to a conclusion about that after May 4 [date of declaration of results]. While he will get a certain percentage of votes, there is no chance of him winning even a single seat, including the seats where Mr. Vijay contests.

There is always a section of people in Tamil Nadu who do not like both the DMK and the AIADMK. Mr. Seeman got their votes in the last election. Mr. Vijay might get them this time. Other than that, there are no possibilities of his political entry having a significant impact on the election results.

As far as we are concerned, this upcoming 2026 Assembly election is a fight between secular forces and communal forces. The reason why the Communist Party of India (Marxist) decided to stay firmly with the DMK-led alliance, even though we are not satisfied with the number of seats allocated to us, is the sole intention that the BJP should not win even a single seat. We are facing this election on the basis that allowing the BJP to get a foothold in Tamil Nadu will cause a huge, long-lasting impact.

But isn’t the situation now such that Mr. Vijay has more influence than Rajinikanth or Kamal Haasan, or other actors who entered politics before him?

Last time, Mr. Kamal Haasan contested in the Coimbatore South constituency. The trend indicated that he would win. In the end, Vanathi Srinivasan [BJP] won by a narrow margin. Last time, Makkal Needhi Maiam got more than 4% of the votes. Similarly, before that, when Mr. Vijayakant started his party [DMDK], there was a huge crowd. After a certain period, that party is now just one among other political parties, but not an alternative force to the DMK and AIADMK. What alternative policy does Mr. Vijay propose? In these two years, has he said anything about what his alternative policies are? Apart from saying that the DMK is an evil force and should be eradicated, has he specifically said anything else? Just because people come to see him out of enthusiasm, we cannot say he would bring about a change.

What do you think are the favourable aspects for the DMK-led alliance in this election?

First, this is a strong alliance. In the history of Tamil Nadu politics, there has never been such a mega alliance. Second, the welfare schemes implemented by the DMK government in the last five years. There is no family in the State that has not been benefitted by the DMK government’s schemes. It has reached every household. Third, the DMK’s uncompromising position against the BJP since the DMK was formed. From a stage where they would write letters and issue condemnation statements, in these five years they have launched a fight against financial discrimination, deprivation of State rights, and the arrogance of Governors. Even though they are the ruling party in the State, they have fought directly. Their election manifesto also reflects that the struggle will continue, and its emphasis is on Centre-State relations, State rights, and secularism.

The DMK’s election manifesto for the 2026 elections is very important. They say they have fulfilled about 90% of the poll promises given last time. The CPI (M) has exerted pressure on the ruling party in getting many demands fulfilled, be it matters related to government employees’ and teachers’ pensions or issues of electricity board and transport department workers, and various farmer-related issues. Even though we are an alliance partner, we have exerted as much pressure as possible and made them fulfill some of them. Therefore, it has created a belief that they will fulfill the poll promises. I believe the poll promises given for 2026 also reflect what is practically possible, considering the State government’s finances and other aspects.

Your party has been allocated five seats. Some other allies got more seats. What are your victory prospects in these five constituencies? Because you had some regrets and hesitations initially…

We were of the opinion that the six seats allocated last time itself was a very low number. That’s why an agreement was not reached until the end. Finally, the then general secretary of the party, Sitaram Yechury, came here and spoke with them [the DMK]. Because there was equal sharing back then among CPI(M), CPI, VCK, and MDMK, we finally accepted it only based on the advice of our all-India leadership. That’s why I mentioned the same during the negotiations this time.

This time, in the first round of talks itself, I mentioned that even six was low last time, and now you are asking us to reduce it to five. There is no justice. But they said that some new parties have joined the alliance and a situation has arisen to ensure 100% victory. Our alliance has become stronger. So they said they have to reduce their seats and asked alliance partners also to do so. In that manner, a prolonged negotiation took place between us and the DMK. Apart from the negotiation committee, we met the Chief Minister directly twice and discussed. He requested us to accept five seats and cooperate, saying that if any other kind of difficulties arise in this, it will be a huge detriment to the functioning of the entire alliance.

We cannot question the alliance leader’s decision to allot more seats to other alliance partners.

As far as we are concerned, defeating the BJP-AIADMK alliance is the CPI (M)’s political resolution. That is not a resolution we took for the DMK. So, to give practical shape to that resolution, in today’s political situation, it is practically possible only through the DMK-led alliance. In that sense, we came to the decision to accept it, even if the number of constituencies is fewer, based entirely on our political resolution.

That’s why, on the very day the agreement was signed, I said we were not satisfied. We can understand that they could not give more seats. But our party cadres couldn’t accept the reduction of one seat from the last election.

You have seen many Chief Ministers in Tamil Nadu in your political career. Among them, how do you evaluate the incumbent Chief Minister M.K. Stalin?

As far as Mr. Stalin is concerned, he is always accessible. He listens to all the issues we raise. Kalaignar [M. Karunanidhi] would crack jokes, discuss, and debate. Sometimes, by making a witty remark, he would brush aside some issues or demands we raised. Mr. Stalin doesn’t have that kind of approach. Otherwise, whatever demands we take up, Mr. Stalin listens to them patiently. He says he will discuss them with the officials and see what can be done. He has a friendly approach.

Regarding trade unions and enacting labour-related laws, what is your opinion about the DMK government?

When a law was brought in to change working hours, I feel that the officials wrongly guided the Chief Minister. But he is the one who has to clarify that. That’s why, as soon as we opposed it, the government immediately decided to withdraw it. It doesn’t seem like the government made that decision after discussing it with everyone.

In Tamil Nadu, both CPI and CPI(M) are being treated equally. Separate negotiations are held with both parties, and seat allocation happens. Now both of you have an ideological agreement. In this situation, is there a chance that you and CPI will negotiate together next time?

Until 2011, seat allocation was done in a different manner in terms of the number of seats for CPI and CPI(M). Probably for the first time, Ms. Jayalalithaa allocated eight seats each. In the party’s history, this is the first time we are contesting with a very small number of seats. That is the important reason why there was severe dissatisfaction and anger among the party cadres. But the two parties going together and negotiating with another party is practically not possible. They too won’t accept it.

Generally, the people of Tamil Nadu know the strength of CPI(M) and CPI in Tamil Nadu, and they [the DMK] also know it. We have taken a political decision to join an alliance and we stick to it. We don’t bargain by saying we will join another alliance, like others do. I don’t know if they are taking it as a weakness. I have realised that a solution to all such problems can be found only by increasing our own strength.

In Kerala, there is a tough contest between the CPI(M) and the Congress. But you are allies here. Is there any contradiction in this approach?

We take a political line according to the political environment and needs of the respective State. Here, our seat-sharing agreement is with the DMK and not with the Congress. In Kerala, the contest is primarily between the LDF and the UDF. Since that alliance formation has been part of Kerala politics for a long time, naturally we are in a position to oppose the Congress. At the same time, at the national level, in opposing the National Democratic Alliance, we all have to stand together and fight.

You had openly expressed your dissatisfaction over being allocated only five seats. Similarly, Kamal Haasan’s party has decided not to contest. Will this reflect in any way on the coordination at the grassroots level in the DMK-led alliance?

When a political party has its own separate symbol, asking them to contest on the symbol of the leader of the alliance is wrong. It was Ms. Jayalalithaa who started the trend. Now, everyone has started practicing this even at the national level. A symbol is an identity. Kamal Haasan’s view that destroying such an identity is unacceptable, is absolutely right. The DMK should have paid heed to their reasonable demand. It was they [the DMK] who brought him into the alliance.

As far as CPI (M) is concerned, the issues that arose during seat sharing negotiation were not new. It happens in every election. But once we finalise the seat sharing, we leave them behind and our cadres will always work for the victory of the alliance. Just because we do not get the number of seats or the seats we expected, it won’t reflect negatively on the election work. Our workers are not trained in such a manner.

Forming an alliance during an election is different from being part of an alliance all the time. In a situation of being in an alliance continuously, even outside electioneering, how would you be able to criticise government policies?

The fundamental reason for this prolonged journey with the DMK is that the BJP continues to be the ruling party at the Centre. So, we have to oppose it both ideologically and politically. In Tamil Nadu, the DMK has been a crucial partner supporting us in that struggle so far. In that situation, a compulsion has arisen for this alliance to continue. This is probably the first time an alliance is continuing for seven or eight years.

But we have never compromised on the core issues we stand for. Take the Samsung issue. You cannot come across such a prolonged struggle against a multinational company in any other State in India. Conducting a 36-day strike against an MNC company is a big achievement. We approached the courts. We resorted to protests. We used political influence. Be it matters like opposing the legislation to change working hours or fighting crimes committed against Scheduled Castes, we never refrained from expressing our voice. We have conducted a strong agitation against caste-based killings. We insisted on enacting separate legislation against caste-based killings. Neither the DMK nor the AIADMK have any agreement on it. In 2015 itself, A. Soundararajan, the then floor leader of the CPI(M) introduced a private member’s Bill on this subject in the Assembly. But O. Panneerselvam, who was the Finance Minister, claimed in the Assembly that there were no caste-based killings in Tamil Nadu. Regardless of whether it is an ally or the opposition, the CPI(M) has been conducting itself in an uncompromising struggle.

Today, there is a competition among three parties [the DMK, the AIADMK, and the TVK] on who will announce more freebies. Only Seeman has said so far that this is a deception of voters. What is your opinion regarding freebies?

It depends on the schemes. For example, we have welcomed the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thogai because neither the men in the house nor society recognises the labour of women who do household chores. So, in such a situation, the government, recognising their labour, is giving ₹1,000 a month. Now they have said they will increase it to ₹2,000. Therefore, it depends on the schemes. I do not accept Seeman saying there shouldn’t be any freebies at all. At the same time, what Mr. Vijay promises of giving one sovereign of gold to every child born in the State is practically impossible. Even what the State government has announced, to increase the monthly allowance for persons with disabilities, was less. So, it depends on the scheme. Rejecting it altogether is not right.

You spoke about that Samsung issue. In this, is it your opinion that the government acted in favour of the company?

Certainly. I am not talking about recognition of trade union. But registration is something that should happen naturally according to the law. There is no need for the government to intervene in this. If one goes and submit an application to the Labour Department, registration of a union should happen naturally. Making this small issue into a massive struggle, that was discussed globally, was entirely due to the government’s actions. 

If the government had thought, they could have registered it.Whether the company accepts it or not is a different matter. The company might not give recognition. But registration is an issue related to the administration. That is exactly what we told the Chief Minister directly back then.

How do you see the lack of politics in colleges? It is only in Tamil Nadu that there is no politics in colleges. The political discourse is gone from campuses. Should it come back or not?

We have been continuously speaking in favour of students’ union elections. The DMK, which captured power through student movements, seem to have no interest in holding student council elections.

While many talk about drug use in Tamil Nadu, no one talks about the impact of alcoholism. It affects women a lot, especially in rural areas and small towns. Is the revenue coming to the government a reason?

Is total prohibition of liquor possible? The question is how to regulate liquor sales. There is no doubt that alcoholism has increased in Tamil Nadu and that several families have been affected by it. But our opinion is that there is no practical possibility of implementing total prohibition. That will again lead to illicit liquor. Regarding drugs, it is not something that can be stopped in just one State. It is brought here from various States. Coordinated action by various States and the Centre is needed to eradicate it. I do not think a State government alone can stop it.

Another criticism against the DMK government was on the law and order front and custodial deaths. What is your view?

Lock-up deaths should be completely prevented. We have conducted protests against every lock-up death and expressed our opposition strongly. It has to start right from police training. Appropriate changes should be made in police training itself. There is a tendency among police personnel to behave without regard for human rights or the fundamental rights the Constitution has guaranteed. In such matters, the Tamil Nadu government has to take action without delay against police personnel who are involved in such crimes. Police personnel must be trained to respect human rights. There is no place for third degree treatment when dealing with criminals in modern times.

In Chennai, the development is concentrated on the southern parts, while there is a question of growth stagnation in north Chennai. How to address this?

Balanced development should be the policy of the government. Those who invest capital prefer to utilise the already existing infrastructure. We express our opposition when land is acquired for industries in many places. Development on one side and the government’s lack of concern on the other is the ground reality. Instead of concentrated factories around Chennai, they should be distributed across the State.